Based on unofficial results of the 13th National Parliamentary Election, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami secured 25 out of the 36 seats across the 10 districts of Khulna Division, while the Bangladesh Nationalist Party won the remaining nine.
Previously regarded as having a stronghold mainly in Satkhira and Bagerhat, Jamaat has now expanded its electoral success throughout the division, even capturing seats in constituencies long considered BNP strongholds.
These victories are not only numerical successes but also signal a new political influence in the region. The results show that Jamaat has established itself as a new electoral force in southwestern Bangladesh, strengthening its position compared to the past and creating new political equations at district and regional levels.
A district-wise review shows that Jamaat won in several places where it had never won before, including Jashore, Kushtia, Meherpur and Chuadanga. The party swept all seats in Meherpur and Chuadanga. It won 3 of 4 seats in Kushtia, 3 of 4 in Jhenaidah, 4 of 5 in Jashore, 1 of 2 in Narail, 2 of 6 in Khulna, all 4 in Satkhira, and 3 of 4 in Bagerhat.
MANY CAUSES, NO ANSWER
According to analysts, Jamaat’s organisational strength and structure played a key role in this success. The party functions through a hierarchical structure that integrates national leadership with grassroots activists in a coordinated chain, leaving little room for internal conflict. Sustained activity across district, upazila and union levels, combined with local support, the influence of social and religious leaders, and disciplined campaign organization, contributed significantly to its victory.
Many observers believe that even during past one-sided elections under Awami League, when Jamaat stayed away from contests, it remained organizationally active, and its supporters did not abandon the party. At the same time, some analysts partly blame BNP’s relative inactivity. During the Awami League’s rule, BNP’s organizational work slowed in many districts, and numerous activists became aligned with the ruling party.
After August 5, many of those activists returned to BNP but could not play active roles due to the absence of posts and ranks. Later, the formation of new district committees created internal divisions and dissatisfaction. The allegation was that the new leaders restructured grassroots committees to build their own influence, sidelining many experienced figures. As a result, expected campaign activity did not fully materialize during the election.
In contrast, Jamaat quickly nominated candidates and began organized field campaigns. Candidates maintained close contact with voters in villages and neighbourhoods and the party avoided major internal disputes. Unified support from workers helped Jamaat stay ahead in election preparation.
BNP’s nomination process, however, was comparatively late—sometimes finalized only weeks before the vote. This left candidates little time to mobilize the organization or grassroots supporters, which likely affected overall results.
ROLE OF AWAMI LEAGUE VOTES
Analysts also note that even without direct participation, the Awami League’s voter base influenced many constituencies that included in Khulna division.
According to sources, local leaders and activists of Awami League, considering security and political realities, aligned with different parties. Whichever party gained their trust was able to attract more of these votes.
Legal cases filed against many Awami League activists after the party’s fall also shaped political behavior. In several districts, this led some Awami-leaning figures to distance themselves from BNP, while a portion gradually became active within Jamaat’s political sphere. Jamaat’s outreach and assurances reportedly helped shift a notable share of votes in its favor.
Local leaders from both BNP and Jamaat have partly acknowledged these realities, though many preferred not to comment publicly.
In Meherpur-1, defeated BNP candidate Masud Arun cited internal party division as a key reason for his loss, saying he could not unite rival groups or mobilize all activists.
Meanwhile, in Kushtia-4, Jamaat candidate Afzal Hossain defeated BNP chairperson’s adviser and three-time MP Syed Mehedi Ahmed Rumi—an unprecedented result in a seat where Jamaat previously received only 20,000–30,000 votes. This time, Afzal won nearly 150,000 votes, suggesting a major political shift. He said voters from different political backgrounds, including many locally respected Awami League supporters, backed him.
Experts conclude that electoral competition in Bangladesh is becoming increasingly complex and multi-layered. In this context, Jamaat’s success deserves deeper examination—not only as an immediate election result but also as a sign of changing political trends, voter behavior, and regional power realignment.
Aman/